1 Introduction

Culture and language are deeply interwoven (Oxford & Gkonou, 2018). Brown (1994, p.165) illustrates their interdependence by noting that “A language is a part of a culture, and a culture is a part of a language; the two are intricately interwoven so that one cannot separate the two without losing the significance of either language or culture.” Therefore, language learning outcomes should extend beyond linguistic proficiency to intercultural competence (Byram, 1997, p.7). As Hossain (2024) argues, language education extends beyond linguistic proficiency to preparing learners to engage with the complexities of a globalised world by fostering an understanding of diverse cultural perspectives. Over the past years, the significance of intercultural communication and the integration of cultural dimensions into language teaching have been widely recognised and have prompted influential changes in foreign language teaching (Smakova and Paulsrud, 2020). In today’s era of globalisation and the promotion of multilingualism and multiculturalism, this approach is more crucial than ever. By integrating cultural dimensions into language learning, educators can foster critical thinking, empathy, and adaptability — essential skills for navigating an increasingly interconnected world (Tran & Ho, 2024).

However, as Altun (2019) argues, while numerous recent studies have emphasised the pivotal role of culture in language learning, the relationship between the two remains a complex challenge for language teachers and educators. The persistent separation of language and culture in teaching and learning continues to be a major issue in educational practice. Enhancing learners’ linguistic proficiency is often regarded as the ultimate goal of language learning, while the development of their intercultural communication skills is frequently undervalued or even entirely overlooked. For instance, Gashi’s (2021) examination of curriculum documents and the Grade Six English textbook used in Kosovo reveals a misalignment between curricular objectives and textbook content regarding cultural understanding. Although curriculum documents set goals for fostering global citizenship  through language and culture learning, this vision often fails to translate into classroom practice. Moreover, as  Oxford & Gkonou (2018) note, research over the past three to four decades has primarily focused on language  teaching, learning, and learning strategies, while significantly less attention has been given to culture teaching,  culture learning, and cultural learning strategies.

This paper seeks to illustrate, through a historical case study, how deeply integrating the target culture into the learning of the target language shaped an outstanding intercultural historical figure, Sir Robert Hart. This individual became the principal bridge between two systems, social structures, and cultural traditions, thereby deepening intercultural understanding and facilitating sustained communication and exchange between his country of origin and the target-language society. Drawing on contemporary theories of language–culture integration and intercultural competence (e.g. Byram, 1997; Kramsch, 1993; Oxford & Gkonou, 2018), this study adopts these perspectives as analytical lenses rather than prescriptive pedagogical models. While developed within modern educational contexts, these theories provide a valuable conceptual vocabulary for retrospectively interpreting historically situated language learning and intercultural practices. Byram’s emphasis on intercultural attitudes, knowledge, skills, and mediation, Kramsch’s view of language as symbolically and culturally embedded, and Oxford and Gkonou’s attention to the affective and psychological dimensions of language learning help illuminate how Hart’s culture-integrated approach to Chinese learning contributed to his effectiveness as an intercultural mediator in late Qing China. These frameworks are thus employed to interpret, rather than anachronistically evaluate, Hart’s historical experience and practice. Sir Robert Hart was a prominent figure in late 19th and early 20th-century China, holding the position of Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs (IMC) for almost five decades. His extraordinary ability to build connections with diverse individuals in China, from imperial members to government officials, diplomats, businessmen, scholars, and ordinary citizens, set him apart. During that era, he stood as the sole Westerner capable of serving as a negotiator and mediator between the late Qing government and Western nations, playing a pivotal role in bridging the cultural and political divide during a crucial historical period (Smith, 1988). For any historian delving into the history of the late Qing Dynasty, overlooking his name and the profound impact he made on history would be an oversight.

Many factors have contributed to Sir Robert Hart’s unique ability in intercultural communication: his Irish heritage (O’Leary, 2006), the centuries-long parallel histories of Ireland and China (Li et al., 2016; LeFevou, 1974), the extensive period he spent in China, and even his long-term intimate relationship with a Chinese woman — who bore him three children before he married a Western woman (Li & Wildy, 2005). However, one key factor that particularly merits attention in terms of intercultural understanding and communication is his culture-integrated language proficiency (Smith, 1988). This paper explores Hart’s approach to learning the Chinese language, which was deeply integrated with Chinese culture, particularly the highly influential philosophy and ideology of Confucianism. It then examines how this immersive learning approach significantly shaped his role in negotiating intercultural relationships between China and the West. Finally, the paper reveals how Hart carried this approach forward in the language training programme he established within the Imperial Maritime Customs and how the foreign employees trained under this system made substantial contributions to intercultural understanding and communication between late Qing China and the wider world. This paper seeks to address two key questions:

RQ 1. How did Hart’s culture-integrated learning of Chinese shape his intercultural role?  

RQ 2. What implications does Hart’s training programme have for contemporary L2 Chinese education?

2 Enhancing Language Learning Through Cultural Integration

In 1854, Robert Hart, an outstanding 19-year-old graduate of Queen’s University Belfast in the UK, was appointed as an interpreter at the British Consulate in Ningbo, China, by the British Foreign Office. During his more than one month’s voyage on the ship, Hart learned a little Chinese, which became his only knowledge of the language. Upon arriving in this unfamiliar country in the Far East, he experienced feelings of loneliness, homesickness, language barriers, cultural differences, and the struggle of sexual desires as a young Western man. As a devout Christian, he read the Bible daily, prayed regularly, and sought help from God to the extent that he even entertained the idea of becoming a pastor after returning home (Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.91, 107, 123).  

However, it was during this time, due to the need for learning Chinese, that Hart began studying classical Confucian works. Due to the extreme scarcity of Chinese language teaching materials and the requirements of writing in classical Chinese at that time, Hart’s Chinese teacher had him study classical Confucian texts such as the Book of Changes (Yijing,《易經》), Book of History (Shujing,《書經》), Book of Songs (Shijing,《詩經》), Analects (Lunyu, 《論語》), Mencius (Mengzi, 《孟子》), Great Learning (Daxue,《大學》), Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong,《中庸》), and Book of Filial Piety (Xiaojing,《孝經》), among other Confucian classics (Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.43). For a western second language (L2) learner of Chinese, this was an extraordinarily challenging task. Hart tackled these Chinese learning materials with immense perseverance. In his diary entry at the end of 1854, he encouraged himself by saying:  

Nothing but much practice can ever make a foreigner read the Chinese Books with ease. The language is so very peculiar a one – so much omitted that is expressed in our language, and so many words brought in merely to turn a sentence well, that it is very laborious work indeed to get long. However, Patience & Perseverance can do wonders. (cf. Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.99)

A few months later, in his diary entry on February 6, 1855, he expressed his determination to tackle Mengzi as he believed that it would be of the greatest advantage. His belief in Christian gave him encouragement and strength to overcome the difficulties:

I have made up my mind to commit Mong-tsze [Mengzi] and to go well through Premiere — this will occupy a year well; and if properly done will be of the greatest advantage, I think. I set about this hard work in order to fit myself for usefulness; I trust that it is love to [[sic]] God that animates me in the undertaking, and it alone will carry me through it; my desire is certainly the glory of my God. (cf. Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.114)  

This type of learning continued until he had lived and worked in China for ten years, and it not only persisted but also became more focused and deliberate. In his diary entry on July 2, 1864, he wrote:

We unfortunate who were thrust into affairs and forced to work the moment we landed in China, have in studying Chinese worked from top downwards, instead of laying a solid foundation, and building thereon[...] I have half a mind to try what an hour a day for the next three years will produce in the shape of learning the four booksby heart. If I live long, I might make good use of such knowledge afterwards. (cf. Smith, Fairbank & Bruner, 1991, p.151)

Here we can see that Hart’s determination arose from his introspection on the way he learned the Chinese language after arriving in China. Due to his role as an English Chinese interpreter at the British Council in Ningbo, his early Chinese learning mainly focused on acquiring the necessary language skills for his work, although during this time he also diligently followed his Chinese teacher’s instructions and read some of the classic Chinese books. After assuming the new role as the Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs in 1863, he came to realise that his Chinese learning should be fully integrated with Chinese culture. To achieve this, he decided to embark on a journey of reading more ancient classic Chinese books, aiming to deeply understand and appreciate the profound cultural heritage intertwined with the language. This unique learning method would allow him to be subtly influenced by Confucianism, touching upon the foundation of the vast imperial ideological system. It also enabled him to integrate Confucian teachings with his Christian faith, ultimately leading to his transformation towards “Sinicisation”.  

For example, through studying the classical texts of Confucianism, Hart encountered the two contradictory paradoxes of human nature — goodness and wickedness — in both Chinese and Western ethical philosophy. He realised that this formed one of the ideological foundations for the establishment of different political and legal systems in the East and West. Engaging in discussions with Qing officials, he keenly perceived the profound influence of Confucianism on this matter. Despite starting from the concept of original sin in Christianity, Hart did not necessarily endorse the perspective of inherent human goodness. Moreover, when comparing it to the Western-established legal system, he also observed fatal weaknesses in the Chinese political and legal system built on the assumption of inherent human goodness. However, he did not consider these two ideologies to be mutually incompatible. In his diary entry on July 29, 1864, he recorded a discussion with Qing officials Dong Xun and Wen Xiang regarding the topic of human goodness and wickedness:

I said the differences between Chinese & ourselves were to be traced to a radical starting point: the Chinese say man’s nature is good; we say it is bad. The Chinese accordingly appeal to principles, and rule by Keaou or instruction: we make laws & rules by Ching, governing or punishment of infractions. As human nature is imperfect, the result must be a meeting of the two systems at a half-way house. (In Smith, Fairbank & Bruner, 1991, p.165)

This example illustrates Hart’s tendency to integrate perspectives from both the East and the West. In his view, the social behavioural norms established by Confucianism, cantered around rituals and ethics, and the maintenance of social and political order through “teaching” rather than “punishment,” were not inherently wrong. However, he recognised that human nature has dual aspects. The flaws in human nature necessitate the establishment of the rule of law and punitive systems. Therefore, he believed that the ideal choice was not an either-or scenario but a combination and synthesis of the two systems from the East and the West. This mindset and mentality indicate that Hart, by enhancing language learning through cultural integration, transformed from a young Western L2 learner of Chinese and an English-Chinese interpreter into an individual who, as described by Smith, Fairbank and Bruner (1991, p.118–119), embraced a “healthy kind of cultural schizophrenia”, a historical expression that in this study is interpreted as cultural dissonance and negotiated bicultural identity, thereby becoming prepared to play a key role in intercultural understanding, communication, and negotiation between two socio-political systems on the world stage.

3 From Cultural Tension to Bicultural Achievement  

Hart is praised by researchers for his extraordinary language abilities and rapid language learning skills, undoubtedly benefiting him in cross-cultural communication and exchange. Moreover, his early work at the British Consulate in Ningbo and his firsthand experiences and observations of Chinese society at that time deepened his understanding of Chinese social and cultural traditions. As Bruner, Fairbank & Smith correctly point out:

One of his first assignments as a student interpreter in 1854 had been to prepare essays on various aspects of Chinese culture, and from that point onward he became a close and perceptive observer of Chinese social customs. In the 1850s, he witnessed local Chinese festivals, marriage and adoption ceremonies, religious sacrifices and many other important social events. In the Consular Service during the same period, he met repeatedly with local Chinese officials, and his journal entries describe in some detail the Mandarin style of manners, polite conversation, and ceremony. Without these early experiences, it is doubtful that Hart would have had the success he did with metropolitan officials in the 1860s and thereafter, despite his formidable language abilities. (1986, p.330-331)

However, beyond these factors, Hart’s deliberate and conscious efforts to study Confucian classical works to enhance his reading and writing abilities also warrant attention. This rigorous engagement allowed him to develop a profound understanding of China’s rich social and cultural heritage — far exceeding what was typical for Westerners of his time. A striking example of this is how he distinguished himself from his predecessor and achieved remarkable success, not only in his role at the Imperial Maritime Customs but also in navigating the complex political and diplomatic affairs between the late Qing government and Western countries. His accomplishments have been described as a remarkable “bicultural achievement” (Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.324–332), reflecting his exceptional bicultural sensitivity and intercultural competence.  

Hart’s predecessor was Lay-Osborn, an Englishman who was fluent in Chinese and possessed good organisational and managerial skills. However, he was arrogant and conceited, paying little attention to different socio-cultural traditions when dealing with imperial officials of the Qing government. In his journal entry on May 9,1863, Hart wrote about his feelings after meeting Lay-Osborn in his house:

He is greatly changed, anglicised in fact to such a degree that I fear his task with the Chinese will be very uphill work. He’ll not meet their views, and he will insist on his own: he will dogmatise, and not explain: and, by Jove! I shd not be surprised to see everything in a grand mess: & everyone at loggerheads. (cf. Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.263)  

Hart was very repulsed by Lay-Osborn’s attitude and approach, considering him a typical “English” type who, when dealing with officials from the Qing government, insisted on his own views, lectured without offering any explanation. As a result, Lay-Osborn eventually lost trust and respect from the Qing officials. In his journal entry on June 8, 1863, Hart wrote about the conversation between him and Prince Gong and other important officials of the Qing government: “……all very good said they; ‘but if he continues to lord it over us all, as he has been trying to do, he will efface from our minds’”. (cf. Bruner, Fairbank & Smith,1986, p.269) The conversation indicates that the Qing imperial court obviously recognised Lay-Osborn’s effort in and contribution to the late Qing dynasty’s process of modernisation and implementation of the policy of national strength. However, what Lay-Osborn did wrong was that he understood little about the Confucianist concept of dignity and face (mianzi,面子, one’s social status). In his journal entry dated 23 July 1865, Hart recorded a plaintive cry of Wen Xiang, one of the senior officials of the Qing government: “Give us face.” “You want us to carry out your railroad scheme, telegraphs &c; we once tried a steamer scheme [[the ill-fated Lay-Osborn Fotilla]] and disgraced ourselves by the same!” (cf. Ibid, p.336) Consequently, as the researchers of Hart’s journal pointed out, “Unable to see himself as a Chinese official, Lay was insensitive to Chinese considerations of dignity, balance, and loyalty. Day after day, Lay’s over-bearing manner antagonised his Ch’ing [Qing] employers, who thoroughly disliked him, not without reason”. (Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.254) By contrast, in handling matters related to China, Hart attached great importance to the traditional Chinese concepts influenced by Confucianism. Through his study of the Confucian classics during the process of learning Chinese, Hart gained a deep understanding of the various attitudes and practices of the Chinese people, especially the officials of the Qing government. As Bruner, Fairbank and Smith suggested, “He came to appreciate the crucial importance of the prestige of the Chinese Imperial polity. It was summed up in the phrase t’i-chih [tizhi, 體制], a protean term meaning the principles of the state system, its basic institutions, the proper order, the state dignity, or in political science jargon, the myth of the state-specially the acceptance of the imperial supremacy”. (1986, p.336) In his journal entry on June 21, 1863, Hart wrote: “What they [Qing government officials] are concerned about is Te-che [tizhi], which is a rather untranslatable expression, but which paraphrastically means state dignity”. (cf. Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.281) Hart underlined the term “state dignity” as he realised that this is associated with the principles of the polity of the imperial state, which is what the political, ethical philosophy of Confucianism focuses on.

This touch-to-core-principle understanding of Chinese socio-political tradition is perhaps the goal that Hart set for his Chinese learning – laying a solid foundation for effective intercultural communication and negotiation. Unlike Lay-Osborn, who was only fluent in the Chinese language, Hart gained respect and trust from Qing government officials by giving them a proper face and preserving their dignity. As Bruner, Fairbank and Smith put it:

His success in the interpreter’s role of intermediary came from his having learned perforce how to give these officials proper face and preserve their dignity in very awkward circumstances. He was already performing the role that became his whole career: Having the superior power of Britain at his back, his task was to avoid any appearance of coercion and offer honest advice as to practical measures. (1986, p.230)

Therefore, the Qing government officials affectionately referred to him as “our Hart” and allowed him to take part in almost daily sessions at the Yamen (the central government office during the Qing dynasty) — a privilege and honour bestowed upon only one westerner at that time. Eventually, Hart replaced his predecessor and became the Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs, a position he held for nearly half a century. Moreover, Hart played an indispensable and important role in bridging between the Qing government and the Western countries. In the imperial government, “the common answer to any suggestion that appeared reasonable but difficult of execution was, “We could adopt it if we had 100 Harts” (Ibid, p.243).

4 Managing the Imperial Maritime Customs in a Chinese Style

Hart’s learning of the Chinese language through reading classic Confucian books has also significantly impacted the way he managed the Imperial Maritime Customs. Hart combined Western management principles with Confucian governance ideals through the concept of “Junzi” (君子, gentleman) and established his absolute authority within the Imperial Maritime Customs. He became a trusted servant to the Prime Minister’s office and a dictatorial figure in managing the Chinese institution. “These seemingly two-faced relationships”, as Smith, Fairbank and Bruner suggested, “were actually in the Chinese style. They attest to the social scientists’ observation that Confucian teachings as well as legalist practices led to a Chinese acceptance of arbitrary authority and a dependence upon it by those subordinates in status” (1991, p.398). And in his 1864 Imperial Maritime Customs Order No.8, he clearly depicted the attitude of Confucian concepts. A talented person who was bestowed with complete responsibility, seeking benevolence and pursuing righteousness, while expecting loyalty and filial piety from his subordinates. As Smith, Fairbank and Bruner pointed out:

These concluding threats to the Commissioners portray a distinctly Confucian-minded approach. A man of rare talent (jen-ts’an) [ren-cai, 人才], given complete personal responsibility (tse-jen) [ze-ren, 責任], seeks to be guided by benevolence (jen) [ren, 仁] and to achieve justice (i) [yi, 義], meanwhile expecting his subordinates’ loyalty (chung) [zhong, 忠] and devotion (hsiao) [xiao, 孝]. …… In short, Hart had joined Western administrative principles with Confucian ideals of government by the superior man (chün-tzu) [junzi, 君子]. He now hoped that the Western-style behaviour of his well-paid and incorruptible Commissioners and other foreign employees would set a somehow contagious example of public probity. (1991, p.123)

Here, we do not intend to make a simple value judgment about such a management style, but instead, we focus on the profound influence of Confucian thought on Hart’s “Sinicisation” and its role in his career. In his main role as the Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs, despite hiring a considerable number of Western employees, the Customs was ultimately under the jurisdiction of the Qing government and employed a large number of Chinese workers. While introducing Western modern management concepts and experiences, Hart considered localisation issues within the Customs. This involved adopting Chinese management approaches to maximise efficiency according to the Chinese way of thinking and behaviour. Although some Customs employees (especially Western employees) expressed dissatisfaction and criticism of Hart’s Chinese-style management, the undeniable fact is that Hart successfully transformed the Customs into China’s first high efficiency, corruption free and multi-national modern agency which for a time contributed one third of the country’s annual revenue (Chang, 2014, p.140). He capitalised on the combination of internationalisation and localisation, facilitating successful intercultural communication and exchange. Under Hart’s leadership, the Customs became a crucial financial pillar during the late Qing period. This management success was closely tied to Hart’s own Sinicisation process. In this process, we can observe the crucial role played by Confucian thought. Starting with the study of the Chinese language and further delving into Confucian classics, Hart cultivated a “cultural sensitivity” and achieved a “dual cultural proficiency” (Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.327). This was very rare among foreign merchants at that time:  

The secret of Hart’s success lay in the degree to which he became bicultural. To a degree, he was Sinicized, in the sense that he learned how to behave in Chinese style and to participate in Chinese discussions of official business. This was due to a trait of cultural sensitivity all too rare among the foreign merchants of the treaty ports during the heyday of European colonialism in the late nineteenth century. (Ibid)

Moreover, the Confucian social-cultural tradition centred around family-clan, coupled with Hart’s background from an Irish agricultural society, had a significant impact on his approach to personnel selection and appointments at the Customs. While adhering to Western employment principles, he took into full consideration the interpersonal relationships in a society with a focus on personal connections. Thus, in the personnel selection at the Imperial Maritime Customs, Hart strongly opposed nepotism in principle, but he was not overly averse to hiring Irish individuals and family members. Eight members of Hart’s family served in the Imperial Maritime Customs, including one brother, two brothers-in-law, one son, and three nephews. He claimed that “I have never advanced a worse man over a better; yet, if promotion is due to one of two men of equal deserts, and one of them is my own flesh and blood, it would simply be unnatural to pass him over”. (Wright, 1950, p.859)

5 Unique Chinese Vocational Training in Imperial Maritime Customs

As evident from the above, Hart’s dual cultural achievement is closely tied to his method of learning Chinese. In the absence of Chinese textbooks, his teachers provided Confucian classics as L2 Chinese learning materials, immersing him in the ideological and philosophical core of the Qing Empire. This deep engagement allowed the young Westerner to quickly develop a profound understanding of Chinese socio-cultural customs. This enabled him to become a pivotal figure in the late 19th-century Qing political economy and in diplomatic relations between China and the Western world.

In Hart’s view, therefore, the significance of the Chinese language far exceeds that of a mere tool for communication. It embodies cultural connotations, plays a role in achieving dual cultural understanding, and participates in the integration of internationalisation and localisation at the Customs. All these aspects elevate the status of Chinese language learning in his mind. Therefore, from the beginning of his tenure as the Inspector General of Customs, he issued the famous Directive of June 21, 1864, which explicitly emphasised the importance of foreign officers learning Chinese. This Directive highlights Hart’s Sinicisation approach, making it clear from the outset that it is crucial to be conscious of dual cultural understanding and to treat different socio-cultural traditions with equality:

It is to be distinctly and constantly kept in mind, that the Inspectorate of Customs is a Chinese and not a Foreign Service, and that, as such, it is the duty of each of its members to conduct himself towards Chinese, people as well as officials, in such a way as to avoid all cause of offence and ill-feeling. Whatever other foreigners resident in this country may deem themselves entitled to do, whether from their position, or fancied superiority to the Chinese, or in the way of showing their superior enlightenment by riding rough-shod over prejudices, and by evincing a general contempt for customs differing from their own, it is to be expected from those who take the pay, and who are the servants of the Chinese Government, that they, at least, will so act as to neither offend sensibilities, not excite jealousies, suspicion and dislike. (cf. Bruner, Fairbank & Smith, 1986, p.332)

After outlining the respective duties of foreign Commissioners of Customs and Chinese Superintendents of Customs, Hart’s 1864 circular went on to urge his foreign employees to “pay some attention to the study of the Chinese language.” Such study, he asserted, “will be found to be not altogether uninteresting in itself, and while the acquisition of the language may subsequently prove as beneficial to the individual, as it will be useful to the Service, the study of it will, at all events, lead to some knowledge of, and create some interest in, the Government we serve, and the people among whom our lot in life has been cast.” (Ibid, p.333)

Three years later, Hart’s circular of 1 November 1869, emphasised even more strongly the importance of Chinese language study:  

……I again hope to increase for the service its chances of existence; experience has shown that, no matter what the rank of the individual who appears as principal, the Chinese authorities too readily look to the Chinese speaking medium as really the person to be dealt with. …… Students of Chinese are certain to form a truer estimate of the national character, and a truer appreciation of their position under, and of the work to be done for, the Chinese government; and lastly, there are the possibility and hope of good, internationally speaking, springing from the study of the Chinese language by so many able and educated men in Chinese employ. (Ibid)

Here, we see Hart’s deep understanding of the true purpose of learning the Chinese language. His own experience of acquiring Chinese led him to recognise that its significance extends far beyond mere communication. The way he learned the language allowed him to grasp the deeply embedded ways of thinking, social concepts, and behavioural norms that shape the national character of the Chinese people. This, in turn, enabled him to navigate intercultural communication seamlessly between two vastly different systems in terms of history, political structure, and ideology.

For this very reason, Hart established the first formal and large-scale Chinese language and culture training programme for foreign employees in Chinese history. As will be revealed below, this programme went beyond developing linguistic competence — it integrated language and cultural learning, reflecting Hart’s belief that true mastery required not only fluency in Chinese but also a deep understanding of the nation’s character and the government they served. Consequently, cultural content was incorporated as compulsory learning material, and intercultural understanding became a key criterion for assessing foreign employees’ eligibility for promotion.

Firstly, for nearly half a century, the Imperial Maritime Customs issued dozens of directives, strictly supervising and using administrative authority and institutional power, combined with employment positions and rank promotions, to promote the Chinese training of foreign personnel. In modern China, such efforts surpassed those of many European and American Christian missions and were rarely seen even in foreign ministries (including Japan) and their consulates in China (Wang, 2015, p.123). The Customs made having sufficient Chinese communication skills a prerequisite for the promotion and career development of foreign employees. It explicitly stated that “any member of the staff who cannot handle affairs in Chinese shall not be rewarded with remuneration. Those without sufficient knowledge of working-level Chinese shall not be promoted to Assistant or Commissioner of Customs. Those who have been promoted to Assistant or Commissioner of Customs but no longer possess sufficient knowledge of working-level Chinese shall be dismissed from their positions. Those who fail to demonstrate oral proficiency in Chinese by the end of their third year or written proficiency by the end of their fifth year shall be relieved of their duties”. (Directive No. 880, January 18, 1899) (cf. Wang, 2015, p.126)

For this purpose, the Imperial Customs established a strict system for the Chinese training of foreign employees. It was the first to include Chinese in the categories of “professional foreign language instruction” and “professional foreign language examination” (Wang, 2015, p.121). Newly hired foreign employees generally underwent varying degrees of Chinese training. In addition to on-the-job self-study at different locations, around 10 foreign employees were selected each year for paid Chinese learning programmes, lasting from one to two years. Senior foreign employees also had the opportunity to take leave for further education (Ibid, p.128).

After serving for three years, in-house foreign employees needed to pass an oral Chinese language test, which included five sections: pronunciation, spoken language, English to Chinese translation, Chinese to English translation, and knowledge of Chinese characters and tones, each scored out of 100 points. For foreign employees with more than three years of service, they had to pass a written Chinese language knowledge test, which covered English to Chinese translation, Chinese to English translation, conversation on designated topics, Chinese character writing, and specific reading material, also scored out of 100 points. Those who failed the exams would not be promoted or have their employment terminated, and no exceptions were allowed by the Customs (Ibid, p.127).

Secondly, the so-called ‘professional foreign language examination’ for Customs employees was far more than a language proficiency test. It comprised a series of questions designed to assess learners’ knowledge and understanding of Chinese culture and society, effectively reflecting Hart’s vision of integrating language and culture into the Chinese training programme. Below is one of the examination papers (see Figure 1), with an English translation provided in Figure 2 (Zhu, 2013, p.64). In the examination paper, the language proficiency test, covering pronunciation, characters, and vocabulary, was closely aligned with the practical work of the Customs. For example, Question 3 asked learners to “Provide the Chinese equivalents of the following five customs-related terms,” while Question 4.1 required them to “State the names of the customs institutions currently operating in Manchuria,” and Question 4.2 tested their ability to “Distinguish between the following viceroys and list the provinces they governed.”

Beyond customs-related matters, the Q&A section included a substantial number of questions assessing learners’ knowledge and understanding of late Imperial Qing China. These covered a wide range of topics, including geography, political structure, administrative divisions, the official system, key historical figures, and major events shaping modern Chinese history. Some questions required not only factual knowledge but also deeper analysis of Chinese cultural traditions and socio-political characteristics. For instance, Question 17 asked learners to “In only a few lines, describe the causes, course, and outcomes of the Boxer Uprising”, Question 19 required them to “State, in approximately 4–5 lines, the main activities of Li Hongzhang’s life”, and Question 20 posed the inquiry, “Who was Kang Youwei? Why was he significant? ”

FIG. 1 ONE OF THE PROFESSIONAL FOREIGN LANGUAGE EXAMINATION PAPERS FOR CUSTOMS EMPLOYEES

FIG. 2 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF ONE OF THE PROFESSIONAL FOREIGN LANGUAGE EXAMINATION PAPERS FOR CUSTOMS EMPLOYEES

Thirdly, regarding the selection of teaching materials, to align with the learning outcomes set by the Customs, the Chinese training programme underwent meticulous planning and strict regulation. The curriculum was well structured, comprehensive, and systematic, with the unprecedented integration of Chinese culture as a dedicated subject within language instruction. As the training programme expanded and deepened from the 1890s onward, the teaching materials were categorised into three main types: exam-specific materials, general reading materials, and cultural materials (Zhu, 2013, p.24). Below is a list of the exam-specific materials, which were mandatory and required thorough mastery by learners (Ibid):

1. General Chinese Language Textbooks: Early stage: A Language Self-Taught Collection《語言自迩》by Thomas Wade; Later stage: Chinese English Wenyi Jindai《華英文義津逮》by Xi Zaiming.

2. Beijing Mandarin Textbooks: Early stage: Unspecified; Later stage: Mandarin Guide《官話指南》, Beijing Affairs in Mandarin《官話北京事情》, and other Japanese-edited textbooks.

3. Official Document Textbooks: Early stage: A Collection of Official Documents《文件自迩集》by Wade; Mid-stage: Official document series compiled by Sir Edward Henry Parker; Later stage: Official document textbooks revised by Donald MacGillivray, based on Parker’s work.

4. Extensive Reading Materials: Later stage: Japanese-edited A New Compilation of Discussions《談論新编》and translations by Donald MacGillivray, covering contemporary newspaper topics.

5. Cultural Textbooks: Dream of the Red Chamber《紅樓夢》— translated by Zhou Zuoren, The Story of Heroic Sons and Daughters《儿女英雄傳》, The Second Plum Blossom《二度梅》— translated by Bazin, Three-Character Classic《三字經》— translated by Herbert Giles, Sacred Edicts《圣諭廣訓》— translated by Charles Henry Brewitt-Taylor, A General Survey of China《中國總論》by William Martin, Institutions of China and Korea《中朝制度考》by William Woodville Rockhill, A History of Foreign Relations of the Chinese Empire《中華帝國對外關係史》by Hosea Ballou Morse, The Government of China《中國政府》and A Collection of Chinese Treaties《中外條約集》by William F. Mayers, Geographical Survey of China 《中國坤舆詳志》by George Ernest Morrison, The Etiquette of Official Interactions《官場酬酢儀節》by William Lobscheid.

This list of exam-specific materials perfectly reflects Hart’s vision of integrating language learning with cultural education. In addition to Chinese language study materials, it includes a significant number of essential readings on Chinese society and culture. Among the literary selections, Dream of the Red Chamber, often regarded as an encyclopaedia of imperial Chinese society and culture in the late Qing, was deliberately chosen. Another novel, The Second Plum Blossom, was also included for its emphasis on traditional Confucian values such as loyalty, filial piety, integrity, and righteousness. For Confucian classics, The Three-Character Classic was selected, valued for its accessibility while encapsulating the essence of traditional Chinese culture. Additionally, a series of classic studies by Western scholars on the governance, moral principles, legal structures, and foreign policy of the late Qing Empire were incorporated.  

From the above discussion, it is evident that the Chinese training programme aimed far beyond linguistic proficiency. Cross-cultural awareness, multicultural consciousness, and an international perspective served as powerful driving forces, shaping the programme’s depth, breadth, and lasting impact. As a result, as will be revealed in the next section, trained Western employees made significant contributions to the early modernisation of late Qing China, both within and beyond the Imperial Maritime Customs.

6 Remarkable Contributions to Intercultural Understanding and Communication 

Conservative estimates suggest that over the years, the Imperial Maritime Customs trained at least two thousand foreign employees (Wang, 2015, p.122). Equipped with intercultural understanding and communication skills, these trained employees played a crucial role in bridging the Qing government and the Western world in the following ways.

One of the most remarkable contributions made by Hart and his trained Customs foreign employees in fostering cross-cultural communication between China and the West was their role in facilitating the Qing government’s decision to send a delegation to inspect European countries. With extraordinary patience and persuasive skills, Hart convinced the Qing authorities to dispatch China’s first-ever diplomatic mission to Europe in 1866, visiting eleven countries. For an empire deeply rooted in Confucian traditions, which often viewed the West as barbaric or even adversarial, this marked a groundbreaking shift. Thanks to the Customs’ pool of talent proficient in Chinese language and culture, the delegation was led by foreign employees of the Customs, with Bin Chun from the Customs General Administration as the chief envoy, accompanied by Customs Commissioner Bao Lai and Customs official De Shan. Additionally, the delegation included students sponsored by the Customs’ Interpreter School, such as Feng Yi, Zhang Deyi, Yan Hui, and Guang Ying (Wu, 2013, Chapter 7).

The delegation’s visits were highly successful, and they received a warm and high-profile reception from the royal families and governments of the visited countries. The delegation members themselves were deeply impressed and awed by the advancements and accomplishments of Western civilisation and progress. For instance, when the delegation attended a grand court ball specially held by Queen Victoria in the UK, the leader Bin Chun exclaimed, “Envoys from China have never as yet reached your honourable country, and now, having been ordained to travel abroad, I have learned for the first time that such beautiful lands exist beyond our seas”. (Smith, Fairbank & Bruner, 1991, p.356) He further acknowledged, “Having seen the utensils and vessels of London, I find them more exquisite than those in China. In various governmental matters, there are many advantages” (Bin, Notes on the Voyage 乘槎筆記). The fact that Qing government officials could change their closed-door mentality and appreciate the progress of Western civilisation had an immeasurable impact on the gradual strengthening of Sino-Western exchanges and the promotion of early modernisation during the late Qing dynasty. The successful formation of the delegation and the achievements they made would have been inconceivable without Hart and his implementation of the Chinese language and culture training system at the Imperial Maritime Customs.

Another significant contribution made by Hart and the trained foreign employees of the Customs in bridging China with the outside world was their role in facilitating the late Qing government’s participation in international expositions (then known as Wanguo Saiqihui, 萬國赛奇會). With their exceptional language proficiency and outstanding intercultural communication skills, Hart and his colleagues were entrusted by the Imperial Yamen, the central government office during the Qing dynasty, to oversee and guide Qing officials in managing exhibition related affairs.

For instance, during the 1873 Vienna World Exposition, Hart was commissioned by the Qing government to oversee China’s participation in the exhibition, with Ningbo Customs Commissioner Bao Lai assisting him. (Wang, 2000, p.170). The supervisory team included Customs officials from Hanning, Hart’s office at the General Customs Administration, and He Zheng’s office. These foreign Customs employees played a crucial role in cross-cultural communication and exchange. According to historical records, under Bao Lai's excellent organisation, the Chinese exhibition achieved great success in all aspects (Chen, 1992). The exhibition showcased an array of cultural and commercial goods, including a collection of 79 royal wedding pottery pieces sent by Ge Xianli, the Assistant Inspector of Jiujiang Customs, as well as various items contributed by Deputy Supervisor Xiong Mi, such as osmanthus flowers, black fungus, Pu’er tea, tea mushrooms, Yishen snakes, bed covers, and silk fabrics.

The Chinese exhibition was regarded as an astonishing success, “helping the world to better understand and appreciate the lives and culture of the Chinese people.” (Wright,1950, cf. Wang, 2000, p.70) The Customs foreign employees also visited the Polish King, who praised the Chinese exhibits, and they were warmly received by the monarch. On October 18, 1873, the Chinese exhibition team held a grand music reception at the Vienna Opera House, attended by over 1,400 guests, including members of the royal family and local social elites. All the opera stars of the Vienna Opera House performed, and the local media called it the most spectacular performance of that year (Zhan, 2010).

The Customs also served as a training ground for diplomatic personnel, supplying a significant number of ready trained professionals to foreign embassies and consulates in China. Countries such as Germany, France, and Austria-Hungary frequently recruited Customs officers as interpreters, counsellors, or consuls. A notable example is the German P. G. von Möllendorff, author of Practical Guide to Mandarin Learning Chinese and Ningbo Syllabary (Wang, 2015, p.128). During his tenure with the Customs in Shanghai and later in Hankou, Möllendorff acquired a strong command of Chinese and swiftly passed the required language examination. He then transitioned to the German consular service as an interpreter and was eventually promoted to German vice-consul in Tianjin.

Moreover, the bilingual talents cultivated through the Customs’ Chinese training programme also contributed to the compilation of textbooks and dictionaries. Möllendorff was not alone in this endeavour — German scholar Xia De authored Introduction to Document Phrases; British linguist P. H. Montgomery wrote Introduction to Wenzhou Dialect; Frenchman A. M. de Bernières contributed Casual Conversations in Spare Time; T. Piry compiled A Collection of Lead Rubbings; Dutch linguist Fee Fook-seng produced A Postal Idioms Compendium; and Italian scholar F. Poletti authored A Collection of Postal Phrases, among others (Ibid).

Furthermore, the trained foreign employees at the Customs also actively engaged in various translation work. For instance, Hart himself translated A Manual of International Law; C. H. Brewitt-Taylor, a British individual, translated Romance of the Three Kingdoms; and Dutchman Ferguson, T.T.H. compiled Collection of Discussions on Learning and Unity. (Ibid). The Customs also established a publishing institution known as the Zaoce Chu (造冊處, publishing office). The Office, under the Inspectorate General of Customs, published a series of sixteen books of Chinese translations selected by Hart, including A Brief Account of Western Learning, General Introduction to Learning, Introduction to Geography, Introduction to Botany, Introduction to Zoology, Introduction to Astronomy, A Brief History of Europe, and A Discussion on National Wealth and People’s Livelihood (Jiang & Zhang, 2015, p.70-72).

7 Conclusions

Language is a social practice that reflects cultural reality (Kramsch, 1993, 1998), and each language carries a unique cultural “taste” that distinguishes it from others (Bakhtin, 1981, p.293). Learning a foreign language therefore inherently involves engagement with its cultural dimensions. When language learning is confined to linguistic forms alone, or when cultural learning is limited to explicit and superficial aspects, learners’ capacity for intercultural understanding and communication remains constrained. The historical case of Sir Robert Hart demonstrates that deeply integrating target language learning with the target culture, particularly its implicit values, beliefs, and modes of thought, can profoundly shape an individual’s intercultural awareness, cognition, and communicative effectiveness. Hart’s success in playing a crucial role in bridging China and the West was largely attributable to his profound understanding of Confucian thought, which provided a shared philosophical foundation with the Chinese officials and scholars he engaged with. As Bruner, Fairbank, and Smith observe, “Although Hart’s moral world differed significantly from that of his fellow Ch’ing bureaucrats—and this was the rub — they all shared a common world of philosophical discourse.” (1986, p.329)  

Reconsidered through contemporary theoretical perspectives, Hart’s experience can be retrospectively understood as especially the development of intercultural attitudes, contextual knowledge, and mediation skills. His sustained engagement with Chinese language and Confucian culture further resonates with Kramsch’s (1993) view of language as symbolically and culturally embedded, as well as with Oxford and Gkonou’s (2018) emphasis on the affective and psychological dimensions of long-term language learning. Rather than serving as an anachronistic evaluation, these theories provide a conceptual vocabulary for interpreting how Hart’s culture-integrated language learning enabled him to function effectively as an intercultural mediator between late Qing China and the Western world.

A decisive factor highlighted by this case is the establishment of learning objectives. Hart’s approach suggests that when the ultimate goal of language learning is defined as intercultural understanding and communication, rather than merely linguistic proficiency, the integration of language and culture becomes both a theoretical foundation and a practical driving force. In today’s globalised world of linguistic and cultural diversity, cultivating foreign language learners as interculturally competent professionals with global citizenship awareness is not merely a pedagogical concern but a strategic necessity. The deep integration of language and culture in learning has significant implications for the transformation of teaching materials, the evolving role of teachers, and the positioning of foreign language education in the AI era. It is hoped that the historical analysis presented in this study will offer new perspectives for reflection and further exploration of these critical issues.

Finally, while this study has focused on Hart’s perspective, including his language learning, cross-cultural practices, and the integration of Confucian concepts into his management work, future research could explore the reception of Hart’s bicultural identity and his interpretations of Confucian ideas among Qing officials, Western employees, and other contemporaries. Such an investigation would provide a broader understanding of how language-culture integration was perceived and negotiated within a given society and could further illuminate the complexities of intercultural engagement in historical settings.

References

1. Altun, M. “The Fifth Skill in Language Learning: Culture.” International Journal of Social Sciences & Educational Studies 5(4) (2019).

2. Bakhtin, M. Michael. “Discourse in the Novel.” In The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, edited by Michael Holquist, translated by Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist. Austin: University of Texas Press, (1981): 259-422.

3. Brown, H. Douglas. Principles of Language Learning and Teaching. 5th ed. White Plains, NY: Pearson Longman, 2007.

4. Bruner, Katherine Frost, John King Fairbank, and Richard J. Smith, eds. Entering China’s Service: Robert Hart’s Journals, 1854-1863. Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1986.

5. Byram, Michael. Teaching and Assessing Intercultural Communicative Competence. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 1997.

6. Chang, Jung. Empress Dowager Cixi: The Concubine Who Launched Modern China. New York: Vintage Books, 2014.

7. Chen, Xiafei, ed. Classified Archives of Chinese Maritime Customs: A Compilation of Correspondence and Telegrams Between Hart and James Duncan 1874-1907. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1992. [陈霞飞. 中国海关密档: 赫德金登干函电汇编1874-1907. 北京: 中华书局, 1992.]

8. Gashi, Leonora. Intercultural Awareness Through English Language Teaching: The Case of Kosovo. Interchange 52, 3 (2021): 357-75.

9. Hossain, Kazi I. “Reviewing the Role of Culture in English Language Learning: Challenges and Opportunities for Educators.” Social Sciences & Humanities Open, 9(2024).

10. Jiang, Y. and Zhiyong Zhang. “Robert Hart and Modern Translation”. Lanzhou Journal, 8 (2015): 67-72. [姜艳艳、张志勇. “赫德与近代翻译”. 兰州学刊, 8 (2015): 67-72.]

11. Kramsch, Claire. Context and Culture in Language Teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.

12. Kramsch, Claire. Language and Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.

13. LeFevou, Edward. A Report on the Robert Hart Papers at Queen’s University, Belfast, N. I. The Journal of Asian Studies, 3(1974): 437-39.

14. Li, L., Cathal Brugha, Stephen Massey, and Liming Wang. Doing Business with China: The Irish Advantage and Challenge. Cork: Oak Tree Press, 2016.

15. Li, L., and Deirdre Wildy. A New Discovery and Its Significance: The Statutory Declarations Made by Sir Robert Hart Concerning His Secret Domestic Life in 19th Century China. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 43(2003): 63-67.

16. O’Leary, R. Robert Hart in China: The Significance of His Irish Roots. Modern Asian Studies, 3(2006): 583-604.

17. Oxford, Rebecca L., and Christina Gkonou. Interwoven: Culture, Language, and Learning Strategies. Studies in Second Language Learning and Teaching, 8(2)(2018): 403-426.

18. Zhan, Q. “Foreign Customs Officers of the Late Qing Dynasty and World Expositions: A Case Study of the World Expositions Through Their Eyes”. Journal of Shanghai Customs University, 3(2010): 78-87. [詹庆华. “晚清海关洋员与世界博览会—以海关洋员眼里的世博会为例”. 上海海关学院学报, 3(2010): 78-87.]

19. Smakova, K. and BethAnne Paulsrud. Intercultural Communicative Competence in English Language Teaching in Kazakhstan. Issues in Educational Research 30, 2 (2020): 691-708.

20. Smith, J. R. Robert Hart and China’s Early Modernisation, 1862-1874. Paper presented at the First International Conference on the History of the Chinese Maritime Customs, Hong Kong, 1988.

21. Smith, J. R., John K. Fairbank and Katherine F. Bruner. Robert Hart and China’s Early Modernisation: His Journals, 1863–1866. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 1991.

22. Tran, T. T., and Han Van Ho. Effects of Learning Culture on English Language Learning by EFL Students at HCMC College of Economics. International Journal of Current Science Research and Review, 7(12)(2024): 9231-9242.

23. Wang, H. The Biography of Sir Robert Hart: Foreign Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs of the Qing Dynasty. Beijing: Cultural and Arts Publishing House, 2000.

24. Wang, L. “Robert Hart’s Promotion of Chinese Language Learning Among the Customs Foreign Employees in Late Qing”. Journal of Shanghai Normal University (Philosophy & Social Sciences Edition), 44(6)(2015):121-29. [王澧华. “赫德的汉语推广与晚清洋员的汉语培训”. 上海师范大学学报 (哲学社会科学版), Vol. 44, No. 6 (2015):121-29.]

25. Wright, Stanley F. Hart and the Chinese Customs. Belfast: Wm. Mullan & Son, 1950.

26. Wu, Zhubing. Imperial Customs. Beijing: Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry Publishing House, 2013. [吴煮冰. 帝国海关. 北京: 中华工商联合出版社, 2013.]

27. Zhu, H. A Preliminary Study on Chinese Language Learning by Foreign Customs Officers in the Late Qing Dynasty. Master’s thesis, Nanjing University, 2013.