1 Introduction

With the rise of China since its reform and opening up, it has obtained tremendous achievements in its economic and social development. However, along with its rise, a conspiratorial way of looking at the activities of China is reflected in the wave of “China threat theory”, whose general idea is that China has posed a threat to other countries in many aspects. The article is intended to use Australia as a case to study the impacts of “China threat theory” on Chinese students.

Traditionally, in Australia, a large volume of attacks aiming at China center on areas like military, politics and, sometimes, economy. But the post-2016 new round “China threat theory”, to some extent, changed its target to Chinese students in Australia, with disturbance stirred up in the Australian society. Chinese students are accused of having engaged in Chinese interference in Australia, and this accusation has inevitably produced various negative impacts on them.

2 The Impacts on Chinese Students in Australia

Intending to study the impacts more clearly and scientifically, the author stayed in Australia for one month to conduct a field research in which an anonymous questionnaire for Chinese students in Australia was prepared. After distributing the questionnaire, 50 of them were returned. The participants of the survey are mainly from the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT), the University of Melbourne, La Trobe University, Monash University, Australian National University (ANU) and the University of Sydney. Of all participants, 20% are males and 80% are females. As to the education background, 20% of the participants are undergraduates, while 74% are master degree candidates, who constitute the main group of the research. Another 6% of the participants are pursuing their doctoral degrees (see FIG. 1). When asked whether they know about “China threat theory”, 38% of them respond that they have a good knowledge of the claims, while 32% of them have a general understanding of it (see FIG. 2).

Based on the processed data, the major impacts reflected by the questionnaire are safety concern and visa delay. However, there are additional and intangible impacts produced by the upsurge of “China threat theory”. Though people may not perceive them easily, they are sure to make a difference as time goes on for the impacts are more chronic.

FIG. 1 EDUCATION BACKGROUND

FIG. 2 FAMILARITY WITH “CHINA THREAT THEORY”

2.1 Safety Concern

The prevalence of “China threat theory” on Australia’s mainstream media has stirred up disturbance in the Australian society. The claims raised by the anti-China zealots in Australia worsened the situation, causing many local people to develop an anti-China sentiment and be hostile towards Chinese students. This social antagonism has given rise to some incidents that endanger Chinese students. In 2017, for example, there were several incidents of insults, intimidation and even assaults on Chinese students in different parts of Australia.

In August that year, four Chinese students were injured by a youth with a baseball bat at the Australian National University. The girl who was most seriously hurt suffered a concussion from a heavy blow to the head. Her right arm was fractured. In October, three Chinese high school students were attacked by a group of local teenagers in Canberra, resulting in one student’s temporary blindness. It was reported that the assailants shouted at them and asked them to go back to China. Later, The Age, one of the most widely circulated newspapers in Australia, reported that a Chinese student who attended the same school as the victims told a Beijing newspaper that the students were scared because the day after the attack, they were cursed and pushed into a Chinese restaurant by a group of 20 to 30 young people (Needham, 2017). Apart from the severe attacks against Chinese students in Australia that year, there were additional anti-China events. In July 2017, people witnessed multiple flyers posted at the universities in Sydney and Melbourne that used clumsily translated mandarin to warn Chinese students that they were banned from entering certain buildings. Otherwise, they would be deported from Australia (Birtles, 2017). Moreover, a graffiti in the University of Sydney even threatened to “kill Chinese”. These events made Chinese students feel horribly intimidated and they showed greater concern about their safety when studying in Australia.

Bill Birtles, an ABC correspondent in China pointed out that the incidents happened as the relations between China and Australia were worsened due to the open discussion of the Chinese Communist Party’s interference in Australia (Birtles, 2017). Evidently the aggrandizement of “China threat theory” has certain influence on the safety of Chinese students in Australia. The confrontations in class between the Chinese students and lecturers in Australian universities intensified the “China threat theory”, and then the spread of “China threat theory” aroused the sentiment

of fear of China among the local people, some of whom are extremists, who are likely to take radical actions against Chinese students, including intimidation and assaults.

The result of the questionnaire verifies the above analysis. Among the 50 participants, fortunately for them, only two once experienced or heard about safety occurrences during their stay in Australia. They added that there were issues like robbery and posters humiliating China, which caused them to stay alert to safety risks when they were studying abroad. Though cases are not that many, they still demonstrate that the news reports are neither unfounded nor exaggerated. Given the huge size of the Chinese students group, the attacks could not be ignored or taken lightly. More importantly, as revealed by the questionnaire, 32% of the participants are increasingly wary of their safety even if there has not been any attack on them (see FIG. 3). Based on some precedents, this worry is not groundless. And the tendency of regarding China as a threat would lead the public opinion to an unfriendly direction towards Chinese, including the large group of Chinese students. As a result, Chinese students feel that the potential danger for them looms here and there.

FIG. 3 SAFETY CONCERN

Clearly for Chinese students, their parents and relatives, with the “China threat theory” gaining momentum in Australia, Australia is not as a safe and friendly country as it used to be.

In response to the safety issues, in late October 2017, all the Chinese embassies and consulates in Australia, namely the ones in Canberra, Sydney, Melbourne, Perth, Brisbane and Adelaide, released a safety note stating that there had been several incidents of insulting and assaulting Chinese students in different parts of Australia. They reminded all Chinese students studying in Australia of guarding against possible safety risks during their stay in Australia. They all put this notification at an obvious position on their home pages. This notification, which is unusual in China-Australia educational ties, not only indicates the personal safety risks of Chinese students in Australia, but also reflects a disquieting momentum within Australia. In the wake of “China threat theory”, the personal safety of Chinese students has been increasingly becoming a worrying and alarming matter.

2.2 Visa Delay

Besides safety concern, another serious and troublesome problem, which is closely related to Chinese students, is the abnormal visa delay. Visa gives people the permission to enter a foreign country. Without visa, it is impossible for Chinese students to study in Australia. So the problem of visa delay can be fundamental for Chinese students.

In March, 2019, China Matters released an article that looked into the issue of student visa delay in detail. China Matters is an Australian public policy organization and a think tank founded by Linda Jakobson, who is an internationally renowned expert on China. The goal of the organization is to promote sound policies on the basis of realistic and detailed discussions about China among Australian business community, government and security organizations. The article states:

Since May last year, hundreds of doctoral students and visiting scholars who received state sponsorship or scholarships have immediately applied to go to Australia, where they have received admission notices and invitations from many prestigious schools. They go there to continue their doctoral studies and research projects with well-known instructors and research teams, so that they can make greater contributions to the development of their home country when they return (Australian Red Scarf, 2019).

Nonetheless the process had been oddly long, and, incredibly, six months afterwards, these outstanding students who had worked hard to gain the state funding and scholarships failed to be granted visas, hence facing the risk of losing the state funding. In this case, one thing worth noting is that the students and scholars in question are all engaged in research fields like science and engineering. Therefore, some students suspect that the Australian government deliberately hangs up the visas of doctoral and master degree students in science and engineering. In comparison, those who apply to go to Australia to study other majors at the same time, especially at their own expenses, have been granted a visa relatively smoothly (Australian Red Scarf, 2019).

Behind this phenomenon are two possible concerns. One is the so-called sensitive majors. In recent years, Australia’s mainstream media has been constantly launching programs and making comments on “China threat theory”. Chinese students in Australia have been labeled, at random, as “spies” and accused of stealing Australia’s core technology. This accusation is likely to contribute to the visa delay. Since those students are doing research related to science and engineering, some Australians strongly suspect that they may steal the core technology of Australia, using the knowledge they have learned in Australia to build a stronger China and also reporting the new progress of the technology in Australia to the Chinese government. The other is that they are blamed for being sponsored by the Chinese government. Some Australians believe that Chinese students, if funded by the Chinese government, are most likely to have a closer relationship with the government and serve as agents of China to conduct Chinese interference.

ABC, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, paid high attention to this phenomenon as well. Vicky and Peggy, journalists of ABC, interviewed a Chinese student funded by the Chinese government. The student said that he was accepted by a Ph.D. program in July 2017 and the scheduled time to arrive in Australia was October 2017. However, even after he was interviewed, he still had to wait for the visa and it was five months behind time (Xu & Kong, 2018). Evidently, this abnormal delay of visa makes Chinese students either fail to go to Australia or leads to hardly surmountable uncertainty, stress, difficulties and hardships for them. In point of fact, they are paying for the political tension between the two countries and taking the consequences of the rising tide of “China threat theory”. Responding to this problem, the Australian Embassy in China announced a statement on March 16^th, 2018, admitting that it realized that a small number of research graduates and visiting scholars had experienced visa delays, which had put pressure on some individuals. It promised, as it was supposed to give a response, that the Department of Home Affairs was trying to process the applications as quickly as possible.

The finding of the questionnaire also demonstrates the impact on Chinese students. When asked whether “China threat theory” would have an impact on the visa application process, some students said they once experienced visa delay, while others indicated that they had heard about the hampering of visa, especially for students majoring in sensitive areas. One participant from the University of Melbourne explained further that a friend of hers, who got the subsidization from the China Scholarship Council, underwent visa delay. The friend was pursuing the doctoral program in a sensitive major. In addition, a participant from RMIT mentions that she is a doctoral candidate with the background of biology, and she goes through the visa application process successfully, while her classmate in China, who majors in materials science, has waited for one year and not received the visa yet. However, what makes the problem more complicated is that the boundary of the alleged sensitive major is hard to be defined. Students can only try their fortune in applying for the visa, making them worried during the application process. In brief, almost half of the Chinese students in the survey have been more or less affected by the problem of visa delay (see FIG. 4). Since the two factors behind the problem are sensitive majors and sponsorship by the Chinese government, implying that Chinese students are likely to serve as spies for China, there is no doubt that the problem of visa delay is one of the serious impacts related to “China threat theory” on Chinese students.

FIG. 4 VISA DELAY

2.3 Choices for Studying Abroad

If the previous problems, safety concern and visa delay, are two apparent and direct impacts of “China threat theory” on Chinese students, then the sharp drop in the enrollment of Chinese students may provide some warnings. Since the safety of Chinese students in Australia becomes a worrying issue and the visa application process turns out to be lengthier and more complicated with uncertainty, they have to think more before making a decision on where to further their studies.

The enrollment data from the Australian Department of Education and Training serves as a showcase for the change of intention of Chinese students to study in Australia.

*Source: Australian Department of Education and Training, International Student Data, various years

TABLE 1 TOTAL ENROLLMENT OF CHINESE STUDENTS AND THE ANNUAL GROWTH RATE

FIG. 5 ANNUAL GROWTH RATE OF THE ENROLLMENT OF CHINESE STUDENTS IN AUSTRALIA FROM 2014 TO 2019

In retrospect, the wave of new round “China threat theory” was in its budding stage at the end of 2016 and showed a tendency to break out. In 2017 it was heading for its climax, with four typical conflicts between Chinese students and Australian universities. And, moreover, the public onslaught on Chinese students and the pervasiveness of new round “China threat theory” in 2018 further worsened the environment for Chinese students in Australia and amplified the tension between China and Australia. The aftermath is reflected in the sharp drop of growth rate in 2018 and 2019. For many years, the annual growth rate of the enrollment of Chinese students increased consecutively and stably.

But in 2018, the growth rate reduced for the first time, dropping to 10.93%, which was almost equivalent to that of 2015. Meanwhile, the considerably shocking drop to 2.02% in 2019 suffices for a serious warning to the educational link between the two nations.

A survey by Macrobusiness in Australia, whose mission is to bridge the gulf between the Australian media and reality by making analysis based on concrete data, collected the short-term arrivals from China from the Australian Bureau of Statistics. It finds that from August 2018 to June 2019, the number of Chinese students and visitors kept decreasing by 7% over the same period previous year and hit the lowest level since April 2017.

Undoubtedly, there are many factors contributing to the decrease of the number of Chinese students. For example, China is investing more in its universities for the continuity of improvement, making Chinese students feel growingly interested in pursuing further studies in domestic universities. Meanwhile, universities in other countries are competing fiercely for the highly profitable outbound educational market in China, which could limit the flow of Chinese students into Australia (Onselen, 2019). But Leith van Onselen also pays great attention to the rising political tension between Australia and China. Bilateral relations can definitely influence the cooperation and communication between countries and their people.

Clearly data and analysis prove the link between “China threat theory” and the changing number of Chinese students in Australia. With the spread of the theory, the growth rate of the enrollment of Chinese students decelerates in recent years. What’s worse, the safety concern and visa delay caused by “China threat theory” are more likely to affect the students’ choices for studying abroad, tarnishing the attractiveness of Australian universities for Chinese students. After all, Australia is not the only place where Chinese students could go for education. As Merriden Varrall remarks, “the incidents could certainly affect decision making by safety conscious Chinese students considering studying in Australia” (Needham, 2017). Similarly, visa delay will also exert a great influence on students because they prefer to choose countries where they have more confidence in getting the visa.

The prevalence of “China threat theory” in Australia seems to cause Chinese students to rethink their destination for studying abroad. If Australia keeps a hostile attitude towards Chinese students, they will be more likely to choose other foreign countries or even lose the opportunity of studying abroad due to the visa delay. Hence, these “victims” are not able to make academic progress and conduct cultural communication in Australia.

2.4 The Image of Chinese Students

The aforementioned three points are concrete impacts on Chinese students, which can immediately threaten the vital interest of them. Nonetheless, the detriment of “China threat theory” is far more than the impacts analyzed previously. It has some abstract and underlying effects that will gradually impact the Chinese students, with the damage of their image being one of them.

The incidents that took place in 2017 are only individual cases, but the attacks on Chinese students brought by the incidents actually get all the Chinese students into trouble. Some Australians believe that most of the Chinese students are alike and threatening. Generally, local people would form a perception of Chinese students by making judgments from media and making contact with Chinese students in person. After all, according to the portrayal by public media of Australia, Chinese students in Australia are described as loyal agents of the Chinese government. They are brainwashed from birth, trying to undermine the young Australia. Therefore, the gist of “China threat theory” is that Chinese students have already posed a threat to Australian universities and to the values they espouse (Bo Seo, 2018). This propaganda damages the image of Chinese students and may consequently cause some inconvenience or prejudice. The stereotype would make Chinese students in Australia walk on eggshells.

Admittedly, Chinese overseas students usually show a low level of acculturation and adaptation due to reasons ranging from cultural shock, language barrier, ingrained personality to the exclusion from groups of local people. Many of them tend to stay within the Chinese community. But the idea conveyed by “China threat theory” has intensified the prejudice of local students against Chinese ones, and then local students are more likely to be cautious of Chinese students in case their behavior would be reported to the Chinese government. That produces more difficulties for Chinese students to integrate into the Australian society. And the alienation would only make it harder to address the misunderstanding.

In addition, as “China threat theory” claims that Chinese students have already challenged the academic freedom in universities, they are fearful of expressing their ideas in class in order to protect themselves from accusations, especially when the topics being discussed are about China. In this sense, the academic atmosphere is not healthy enough for students to exchange ideas freely. Thus, the true sense of freedom of speech cannot be fully realized.

Moreover, the misinterpretation of Chinese students is likely to stand in the way of Chinese students’ career development. According to the questionnaire, when asked whether “China threat theory” would have an impact on Chinese students’ employment, 4% of the participants say that there does exist an influence in that Chinese people have less opportunity to get promotion and work as senior managers in companies, and another 32% think that even if there has not been any obvious impact, they quite worry about it. Their worry is not without reason. “China threat theory” portrays the Chinese students as “spies” and “agents” and they are faithful followers of the Chinese Communist party. These utterances inevitably and imperceptibly generate an estrangement.

In a deeper sense, the image of Chinese students is of great importance because it is one of the representatives of the national image. When Chinese students are abroad, they help to convey the Chinese value and shape the national image of China. National image is the combination of a country’s cognition of itself and the cognition from other countries in the international arena. Boulding (1959) points out that the view and impression of a country to another country tend to influence its policies and behavior towards that country and thus affect the relationship between the two countries. Therefore, for China, a negative national image will more likely make other countries foster a hostile, exclusive and stereotyped cognition and evaluation on it, while a positive one will make people from other countries deal with the culture and value of China in a more understanding, friendly and acceptable way. Chinese students play a vital role in shaping the national image in that there is such a large group of Chinese students in Australia. So for many Australians, their perception of Chinese students could influence their understanding of China. Hence, it can be rightly argued that the damage to the image of Chinese students equals the damage to the national image of China, which is inevitably detrimental to China-Australia relations.

2.5 Tension between China and Australia

The new round “China threat theory”, which sees China in a conspiratorial way, is a demonization of China. Growing concerns in Australia have been fueled by reports and articles about the covert efforts of China to infiltrate Australia. Through media, Australia is said to be menaced by Chinese students. This misinterpretation prevents many Australians from gaining a comprehensive and independent knowledge of China. They ceaselessly search for the slightest traces that could prove the Chinese interference and then amplify it, which makes the political relations continue to be tempestuous and frosty. Patrick Kollner, Director of the GIGA Institute of Asian Studies, comments that Australia’s relationship with China has changed from “honeymoon” to “hangover”. He says, “the government in Canberra has recently sought to mend these frayed ties, but the honeymoon phase in bilateral relations is clearly now over” (Kollner, 2018). If the tension keeps mounting, greater harm will be done to the mutual interests of the two countries. One imminent trouble is that the tension between China and Australia has put Chinese students into a dilemma. They won’t be able to escape from the consequences of “China threat theory”.

Despite disputes between Chinese students and lecturers in Australian universities, some commentaries about China’s infiltration into Australian universities are quite sensational. There are anti-China fanatics who claim to be defenders of Australia’s national interests, but what they achieve would be precisely the opposite. The anti-China zealots have overlooked the enormous benefits that Australia’s academic link with China has generated. In the opinion of David Gonski and Ian Jacobs, Chancellor of the University of New South Wales and Vice-chancellor of it respectively, Chinese students should be welcomed. They firmly believe that fostering a close and authentic relationship with Chinese students will bring tremendous benefits to Australia. With Chinese students going back to China and taking influential positions, the goodwill, understanding and appreciation nurtured by their experience in Australia will continue. Otherwise, they would return to China with a negative impression on Australia, which is adverse to the development of bilateral relations (Gonski & Jacobs, 2017).

Global Times, a Chinese newspaper focusing on international relations, declared that the tough talk on China by Malcolm Turnbull and Julie Bishop, anti-China posters in Australian universities and those phrases like “go back to China”, “kill Chinese”, all undermined the friendly message which Canberra was trying to convey (Needham, 2017). So the rising tension between Chinese students and the Australian society has definitely become a significant source of the tension between China and Australia with the business community, the academia and the political circles of the two countries being greatly affected.

Briefly, “China threat theory” has brought about damage to the image of Chinese students, making it more difficult for them to adapt to the Australian society and be accepted by local people. Meanwhile, it also damages the national image of China, aggravating the tension between China and Australia. In the end, Chinese students are one of the groups that suffer most from the tension.

Yet there can be a great loss for Australia as well. Catriona Jackson (2018) proposed a counterexample to clarify the harm of “China threat theory” and meanwhile, the drop in the growth rate of the enrollment of Chinese students has already shown a sign of an irreversible consequence. She mentioned David Cameron’s announcement on capping net migration to Britain in 2010, causing “a series of policy mis-steps and careless utterances by senior political figures that included cutting work rights for international students, Brexit and the rise of anti-global sentiment” (Jackson, 2018). The result is, since 2012, the number of international students choosing to study in Britain basically remained flat-lined. But previously, the number of international students who applied to study in England kept increasing.

Another example, cited by Li Feng, a special correspondent of Global Times in Australia, reminded people of the case of India. Many Indian students were once scared away by a series of attacks on their compatriots in Australia. In 2008 and 2010, Indian students in Australia suffered a total of 152 attacks. The Economic Times, an Indian newspaper, used the title-- “Australia, Land of Racism”--to describe Australia. Soon, in just one year, the number of Indian students in Australia dropped by half, and it was after five years that the number recovered and returned to that of 2010 (Li Feng, 2017).

The above two precedents indicate that caution needs to be applied in dealing with the disputes over Chinese students in Australia, because over-hyping or exaggerating the behavior of Chinese students, sensationalizing “China threat theory”, are actually driving Chinese students away and making Australia lose a large source of overseas students. Needless to say, this loss does harm to Australia and its relations with China.

3 Conclusions and Suggestions

It is right to claim that there is an urgent need to explore ways for improving China-Australia relationship. To this end, the article tries to draw some conclusions and propose some suggestions to help meet the challenge.

First, in order to have a deep understanding on the new round “China threat theory”, we should examine where the divergence of attitudes between China and Australia comes from and why “China threat theory” goes beyond those traditional areas and permeates into the sphere of international education.

To begin with, China and Australia have distinctively different political and social systems. The dissimilarity in ideology gives rise to cognitive differences, but it gives no excuse to fan an anti-China sentiment. It is right to speak out one’s mind, values and interests. It is equally right and important to acknowledge that other people have their own mind, values and interests. Nobody should ask a country to surrender its values and interests in favor of others’. Value diplomacy contributes to the destabilizing polarization and is not able to provide solutions to the challenges we have to face together.

In addition, the U.S. factor will largely influence China-Australia relations. As Australia’s military ally and security reliance, the United States is of great importance in Australia’s diplomacy and decision making. According to Professor Chen Hong (2019), in the late period of Malcolm Turnbull’s administration, China-Australia relations underwent a rapid deterioration because some of Australia’s conservatives with cold-war mentality followed America’s strategy to check and balance the power and influence of China. After Morrison came to power, Canberra is still under the pressure of Washington and Australian intelligence agencies, so the China-Australia relations remain stagnant. Partly as a result of this deadlock, the means of spreading “China threat theory” is employed to arouse the anti-China sentiment in the whole society. It happened that the conflicts between Chinese students and Australian universities were more prominent in 2017, so some Australians seized this opportunity to propagandize “China threat theory” as a way to counter Chinese influence.

Second, “China threat theory” can be viewed from a long-term and strategic perspective. “China threat theory” has a long history, but for this time, it has new manifestations, centering on the alleged Chinese interference and Chinese students to arouse public awareness. So besides figuring out the fundamental causes to the issue, we shall have to make efforts to enhance China’s national development as well as its international prestige. The further growth China attains, the more strength and confidence it gains to stand up to the attacks of public opinions and win respect from the international community. With certainty, a more developed China is a steady support for Chinese overseas students.

Third, though not being the only determinant in the establishment of national image, media plays a vital role in conveying ideas and information to the outside world about China and in clearing up misunderstandings. For foreigners, a common and convenient channel to get familiar with China is media. Hence shaping the national image through media communication can be one of the helpful means. Chinese media should adopt objective and appropriate ways in reporting China, Australia and the world to benefit China’s relations with other countries, Australia included.

Fourth, Chinese students in Australia should also be aware of the importance of trying various means possible to develop a positive image, which is helpful to them and China’s relations with Australia. Apart from sticking to their principled stance when facing trouble, difficulty or confrontations, Chinese students may also think about resorting to the skills of negotiation, communication or other appropriate ways to tackle the issues. Keeping close to the Australian local people, conducting more cultural exchanges with them may also assist in clearing up misunderstandings. In general, integration into the Australian society to know more about Australia and, simultaneously, let Australians know more about China and its values and culture, can at least help alleviate the “China threat” mentality in Australia.

Conclusively, the rise of the new round “China threat theory” has been unprecedentedly deteriorating China-Australia bilateral linkages, and bringing much loss for both parties. For China’s part, Australia has been  an  important  partner  of Chinese out-bound investment, trade in strategic primary products, overseas tourism, international education and so on. Yet the propaganda of “China threat theory” has been inflicting negative impacts on some sectors including educational exchange. It is dangerous to politicize the activities of Chinese students. For Australia, the risk of advocating and upgrading “China threat theory” is also crystal clear. James Laurenceson concludes in his academic research that the public in Australia seems to have an aspiration of the country’s national interest-- “an understanding that an alliance relationship with the US, the prevailing power, and a pragmatic engagement with China, the most conspicuous rising power, should be within Australia’s reach” (2018: 95). However, if the discourse of “China threat theory” keeps fermenting, “it might risk sabotaging such an aspiration” and “this would be contrary to Australia’s national interest”(2018: 95). Hence, the demonization of China by propagandizing “China threat theory”, which is a toxicant for China-Australia relations, should be completely put an end to.

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